gendarmerie mobile calais
Hundreds of makeshift houses and tents of, Satellite view of the Calais Jungle, Google Earth, accessed December 29, 2017 Google Earth. At its peak activity, the center sheltered more than 1,500 people (Kremer 2002). Since going to Sangatte often would mean being denied asylum by France and being deported, migrants had no choices but to hide and live in the woods of the northern French coast while waiting for a chance to cross the channel. The tensions arising between these representations, we hope, may lead to more humanized ends than the demolitions of 2016. These anti-intrusion measures, however, have not prevented migrants from coming to Calais in hopes of rebuilding their lives in the United Kingdom. 2017. More », Vincent Joos is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Anthropology at Florida state University. icon.setAttribute('onclick', 'toggleFullPageInteractiveMap()'); 2017. /* “Sangatte: A place of hope and despair.” The Magazine of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement. Le groupement I/9 (GGM I/9) est l'unique groupement de gendarmerie mobile de la Région Zonale de Gendarmerie de Lille, en France.Son état-major est implanté à Arras (Pas-de-Calais).. Il comprend 8 escadrons de marche implantés en Hauts-de-France.. À la suite de la dissolution du groupement II/9 en septembre 2012 [1], ses 4 escadrons sont placés sous le commandement du GGM I/9. Piccolo, Marc and Debuis, Jeanne. In 2002, then-Minister of Interior Affairs Nicolas Sarkozy ordered the closing of the Sangatte center after it sheltered more than 70,000 people in three years. Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. iframe.style['top'] = 'inherit'; */ icon.style['display'] = 'none'; 2002. 2015. icon.innerHTML = ''; } icon.style['cursor'] = "pointer"; Migrants’ allies are seldom allowed to visit the camp, while people sheltered there are warned that venturing back to Calais would mean certain starvation and state-mandated violence. Envisioning more humane means and ends, it’s clear there is no need for a wall if migration policy is built around the humanity and political agency of migrants. iframe.style['position'] = 'fixed'; iframe.style['width'] = '100%'; Cosmeticized with vegetation, the “Great Wall of Calais” is made of smooth concrete to impede climbing. } Rendering migration invisible through repression, security infrastructure and the establishment of camps doesn’t mask the need for new immigration politics in Europe. Pathologizing migration, Collomb also offered a medieval solution: bursting the abscess by accruing police presence and scattering migrants in new camps that will open in the countryside (AFP 2017). More ». } The borders and jurisdictions around Calais are blurry. var iframe_width = "0", iframe_height = "0", fullScreenIconLoaded = false; iframe_width = iframe.style['width']; July 26. link. Place Guy Mollet iframe.style['right'] = 'inherit'; E. Leleu, On October 25, 2016, French riot police evicted thousands of migrants who had settled in an abandoned landfill adjacent to the port of Calais. As part of this referral, the report was sent to the Defender of Rights along with 50 testimonies about numerous incidents involving volunteers. This photo essay explores these attempts to control migration and the persistence of migrant encampments in the face of them. The content of this website is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. icon.style['display'] = 'block'; They were gathered there hoping to cross the English Channel by any means necessary: stowing away on boats or hiding in the trains, trucks, and buses plying the “Chunnel” linking France to Britain. D, Beatrice. Indeed, by 2017, migrants were back in Calais and facing increasingly violent treatment, with police reportedly pouring tear gas into potable water sources to render the area uninhabitable (Beatrice D 2017). iframe.className = ''; } Shurmer-Smith, Louis and Turbout, Frédérique. It is to imagine a world without ‘jungles’ and their attended forms of invisibility. CMS. Moreover, in 2016, the British authorities financed and constructed a 30 million-dollar anti-intrusion barrier that runs a kilometer along the entrance road to the Calais port. Groupe Eurotunnel SE, meanwhile, deforested more than a thousand square feet of land around the Chunnel entrance and flooded the entire area to prevent migrants from entering the tunnel. var icon = document.getElementById('fullScreenIconIM'); var icon = document.getElementById('fullScreenIconIM'); “The Strait Of Dover – The Busiest Shipping Route In The World.” Marine Insight August 1. link. “A Congested Sea.” Channel Space – Cross Channel Atlas. Bansky mural depicting Steve Jobs as a migrant defaced with “London Calling” graffiti. if (iframe.className != "fullpage") { 2016. “Calais: servir et protéger ce n’est pas gazer et assoiffer !” Le blog de Beatrice D. Mediapart. Installations photographiques de Michael Wittassek. Countering the technologies of invisibility deployed to remove migrants from Calais, we combine word and image to expose—and render visible—the infrastructural forms and lifeforms that converge at this critical chokepoint. In 2017, center-left-wing Interior Minister, Gérard Collomb, sustained the call for the eradication of jungles, which he depicted as places where “encysted migrants” lived in “fixation abscesses” that need to be “treated” (Mouillard 2017). Seeking Imperialism’s Embrace: National Identity, Decolonization, and Assimilation in the French Caribbean. An estimated 6,000 migrants lived there at the time. Mambra, Shamseer. Kremer, Pierre. iframe.style['height'] = '100%'; It took six years, eleven boring machines, and more than 15,000 workers to link Calais, France, and Folkestone, England. iframe.style['z-index'] = '999999997'; var iframe = document.getElementById('interactiveMap'); icon.style['font-size'] = "1.8em"; Offering them a clear path to equal citizenship and the power to decide where they can live and work would be a way for the European Union to regain some dignity after its catastrophic mismanagement of the migration surge at its Mediterranean borders. Over the past fifteen years, security infrastructure and police presence have been the main responses to these attempted crossings. Vous souhaitez accéder à l'Espace presse . Arrêté du 11 juin 2013 listant les opérations de restructuration des unités de gendarmerie mobile dissoutes en 2012 ouvrant droit à certaines indemnités de restructuration au profit des militaires, Escadron parachutiste d'intervention de la Gendarmerie nationale, Force de Gendarmerie mobile et d'intervention, Groupement de sécurité et d'intervention de la Gendarmerie nationale, Groupe d'intervention de la Gendarmerie nationale, Véhicule blindé à roues de la Gendarmerie, https://fr.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Groupement_I/9_de_Gendarmerie_mobile&oldid=166442832, Unité ou formation militaire créée en 1932, licence Creative Commons attribution, partage dans les mêmes conditions, comment citer les auteurs et mentionner la licence, Groupement I/9 de Gendarmerie mobile (depuis. The French and British authorities placed cameras at the entrance of the tunnel, surrounded the port with fences, and ramped up X-ray searches of trucks. French police have tracked and brutalized migrants camping in the woods or “jungles.” In the meantime, legal authorities have sentenced activists and drastically reduced the margins of action for humanitarian NGOs and local organizations. To rethink migration in this way would be to draw a new line of policy—a new line of humanity—linking chokepoints in Libya, Turkey, Sicily, Calais, and beyond. BP 70913 - 62022 ARRAS Cedex, Du lundi au vendredi : function toggleFullPageInteractiveMap() { Since then, the rhetoric only has escalated. The humanitarian camp, according to Sarkozy, created a suction effect—“un appel d’air”—and supposedly increased clandestine immigration in France. All photographs by Eric Leleu, unless otherwise noted. Ecrivez-nous ! New York: Oxford University Press. toggleFullPageInteractiveMap(); The French government reinforced police presence by sending the Gendarmerie Mobile and the notoriously brutal Compagnies Républicaines de Sécurité—France’s riot police, the majority of whom support the extreme right party Front National and have a long history of racial profiling and violence (Piccolo and Debuis 2017; Childers 2016: 116).

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